In the ongoing debate over whether or not pro-abortion Catholic politicians should present themselves for communion, a question of considerable importance to both sides is that of the problem of serving two masters – in this case, the Church and the State.
There are a number of perspectives on this matter brought into play by those who support abortion, or at any rate who do not oppose it sufficiently to make that opposition manifest:
- If the state’s laws and/or constitution enact something for the public good which is found to be in conflict with the doctrine of the Church, it is the politician’s duty as a public servant to act in the best interests of his or her constituents – who may not share that politician’s beliefs – by supporting what is publically legal over what is privately opined.
- Similarly, the concerns of the state, a secular institution geared as above towards the public good regardless of merely sectarian issues, simply have primacy over the concerns of the Church.
- Pursuant even to this, the presumed separation between Church and State that exists in a representative western democracy insists that the Church has no right whatever to interfere in political matters involving public servants who are, again as above, as much the representatives of non-Catholic citizens as they are of anyone else.
There are three ways in which these interpretations falter. The first is in the implicit assumption of all three statements that the State simply is superior. While this may certainly be contended, the proper way to do it is by first demonstrating through argument that this is so. This has not been done. The second is that all three interpretations are entirely materialist. They depend for their legitimacy upon the assumption that the Church’s theological claims are meritless, and that it is in effect a fussy sort of club. While this may again certainly be contended, the State is neither entitled nor qualified to do so. The third and more subtle flaw is that they approach the issue from the wrong direction, and about this something more must be said.
A great deal of how a situation is understood depends upon the direction you take in understanding it. E.F. Schumacher, in his essential A Guide for the Perplexed, provides this illustration:
There is a story of two monks who were passionate smokers and who tried to settle between themeslves the question of whether it was permissable to smoke while praying. As they came to no conclusion, they decided to ask their respective superiors. One of them got into deep trouble with his abbot; the other received a pat of encouragement. When they met again, the first one, slightly suspicious, inquired of the second: “What did you actually ask?” and received the answer “I asked whether it was permissable to pray while smoking.” While our inner senses infallibly see the profound difference between “praying while smoking” and “smoking while praying,” to our outer senses there is no difference at all.
In the matter at hand, the error, in accordance with the three described above, comes in axiomatically assuming that the State comes first. That is to say, that the person in question is a public servant first and a Catholic second. That it is the religious body unacceptably interfering with affairs of state.
But suppose we look at the matter from the other direction. Suppose the Church were to come first. What would we then see? If the person in question is a Catholic first and a politician second, his or her oath of fidelity to the Church and to the Lord looms larger than any oath of fidelity to the state. Both are voluntary associations, certainly, but the one is a creed and the other is a job. In this case, contra the conclusion of the first interpretation, it is the State which is making unconscionable demands of a member of the Church. The Catholic can no more accede to them than he or she can forswear Christ.
So where does that leave the Catholic politician? There is a sort of tension between this reality and the words of St. Paul in Romans 13:1-2:
Let every person be subject to the governing authorities; for there is no authority except from God, and those authorities that exist have been instituted by God. Therefore whoever resists authority resists what God has appointed, and those who resist will incur judgement.
But Paul doesn’t stop there…
Pay to all what is due to them–taxes to whom taxes are due, revenue to whom revenue is due, respect for whom respect is due, honour to whom honour is due. (Romans 13:7; emphasis mine)
And the clincher from the defiant Apostles in Acts 5:29:
We must obey God rather than any human authority.
Honour, respect and obedience are due to the State only so far as the State governs according to the Law, but when once it deviates from the righteous path such honour, respect and obedience must end.
If the Catholic public servant is enjoined by the State to support “a moral evil” which is “gravely contrary to the moral law” (CCC 2271), he or she cannot in good conscience cooperate. Indeed, no virtuous person could. In cases where the laws and/or constitution demanding such support are tentative or unsettled, it is the duty of the Catholic public servant to oppose them in word and deed, making every effort to bring about their just dissolution. In cases where the laws and/or constitution are settled, established and enacted, whereby the public servant may not oppose them without forswearing his or her oath to uphold the statutes of the State, that oath must be forsworn.
So, when “A.L.” asks in the comments on this Ignatius Insight article whether it is really to be desired that Catholic public servants who find themselves unable to serve both the Church and the State at the same time should resign their political office immediately, I can only answer “yes.”

